The History of Cook County, Illinois - Weston A. Goodspeed - ebook

The History of Cook County, Illinois ebook

Weston A. Goodspeed



In this book the author, Weston A. Goodspeed, and the editor, Juergen beck, offer a general survey of Cook County history, including a condensed history of Chicago and special account of districts outside the city limits, from the earliest settlement to the time of the turn of the 20th century. There is hardly a book that contains more information and is more complete than this edition with more than 540 pages full of facts and data.

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The History of Cook County, Illinois








The History of Cook County, W. A. Goodspeed

Jazzybee Verlag Jürgen Beck

86450 Altenmünster, Loschberg 9



ISBN: 9783849648596

[email protected]













THE MEXICAN WAR 1846—1848. 1

THE CIVIL WAR 1861—1865. 1








DATING from the first settlements along the Atlantic coast and the Gulf of Mexico, there arose among the warring, envious and ambitious nations of Europe conflicting claims to the ownership of American soil. Regardless of water courses, river basins or rival claims, the English colonies along the Atlantic claimed an extension of their territorial grants westward on parallels of latitude to the South Sea, as the Pacific ocean was then called. On the contrary, both France and Spain, upon discovering a river and forming a settlement on its lower course, claimed the entire valley of that stream, regardless of rights or claims on the upper courses. Thus the French at the start claimed the whole St. Lawrence valley, which included the Great Lakes and the tract now known as Cook county, Illinois. By the discovery of Columbus in 1492, Spain could claim all of the two Americas. The discovery of North America by Cabot in 1498 gave England a claim to that country. In 1603 France granted to De Chartes a strip from forty to forty-six degrees north latitude and extending westward across the continent; this included Cook county. In 1606 an English grant extended across North America between thirty-four and forty five degrees north latitude. The London colony grant was between thirty-four and forty-five degrees north latitude. The Plymouth colony grant by James I., on November 3, 1620, embraced the country from the Atlantic to the South Sea (Pacific Ocean) and from the fortieth to the forty-eighth degree of north latitude. On August 10, 1622, the Council of Plymouth granted to Mason and Georges much of what is now Vermont, New Hampshire and a part of Maine. What is now Connecticut was included in the Plymouth colony grant of 1620. The present state of Illinois was claimed as a part of Florida and was so laid down on the old Spanish maps. This claim was confirmed by Pope Alexander VI, who granted Ferdinand and Isabella in perpetuity all the land they had discovered, or should thereafter discover, west of an imaginary line drawn from north to south one hundred leagues west of the European shores. Thus the westward extension of the English colonial grants, as claimed, likewise embraced Cook county. The Atlantic colonists, with a persistence that demands admiration, continued to claim this westward extension until the formation of the Northwest territory. Thus at first the swollen and ephemeral claims of the English, the Spanish and the French to the tract of territory now known as Cook county, Illinois, may be said to have been about equal in points both of unsoundness and uncertainty.

But the French, with greater energy and envy, perfected their claims to the soil here, while the English and the Spanish did not, and therefore France, be it said to the credit of her martyrs, became the first white owner of what is now Illinois and therefore Cook county. But this splendid result was as much due to individual enterprise, the undaunted spirit of adventure and the self-sacrificing proselyting efforts of the Catholic fathers as to the colonizing ambition of the French government. At that date the servile and erratic French people were more the tools and puppets of royalty than the people of any other country except Spain. They yielded a blind and unquestioning obedience to the empty mandates of their butterfly sovereign, mainly because Church and State were united; and to question the acts of the King was tantamount to an assault, not only on the State, but on religion itself. Thus the idle and indifferent wish of the King, announced by his paramours through the Governor of New France, as Canada was then called, was sufficient to send into the Western wilderness, among savage beasts and little less savage men, such heroic souls as Nicolet, Perrot, Joliet, Marquette, Moreau, Durantaye, Duluth, La Salle, Tonty, Hennepin, Allouez and scores of others, who gladly at the King's behest offered themselves to martyrdom for the glory of France. It seems that the word Chicagou, or Chicago as it is now written, had a meaning among the Indians and the French explorers and missionaries equivalent to the English words great, strong, mighty, superior, etc., signifying some unusual and notable quality in the object to which it was applied. The term may have included the idea of water, though it is known to have been applied to individuals, to tracts of country and to the wild onion growing throughout Northern Illinois. The pungent odor of the onion — strong and unusual — probably led to this application of the word. The mighty Mississippi, particularly its lower course, was designated Checagou, variously spelled, by the tribes on its banks. At the time the bloody expedition of De Soto reached the Mississippi river in 1539 he found the Chisca (Chickasaw of a later date) nation of Indians, who called the Mississippi the Chucagua and applied the same term to their entire province. In Franquelin's large map of 1684 the Kankakee river is called Chekagou and the Chicago river is called Cheagoumeman. In De Lisle's map of 1718 the present Des Plaines is designated Chicagou, and so is a section of Lake Michigan, but his map of 1703 applies that term to the present Chicago river only. D'Anville in his map of 1755 calls the Des Plaines the Chicagou and also a section of Lake Michigan by the same name. In Mitchell's map of 1755 the present Chicago river is named river and port of Chicagou. In Popple's map of 1733 the Chigagou is mentioned, but clearly referred to the St. Joseph, where Fort Miami was located and an Indian village called Chigagou stood. On La Houton's map of 1703 a deep bay south of Chicago is called Chegakou and the Chicago portage is called the same. In Charlevoix's map of 1774 the term Checagou seems to apply to a portion of Lake Michigan. In Senex's map of 1710 the Chicago river is not shown, but the term Checagou is plainly applied to a village of the Mascoutens or Kickapoos, or both, located on the present site of down-town Chicago. Moll's map of 1720 names only the Checagou portage. It is probable that Lake Michigan or its southern extremity may have been called Chicagou by the Indians. Hennepin in his erratic account of La Salle's expedition in 1782 said in a caption, "An account of the building of a new fort named by us Fort Crevecoeur, on the river of the Illinois named by the savages Che-cau-gou." In his map of 1684, Franqulin (probably by mistake) calls the Ohio river the "River St. Louis or Chucagoa." Thus the St. Louis, whatever stream it may have been, was known as Chucagoa. Coxe in his map of Louisiana calls the Illinois the Chicagou. Samson's map of 1673 styles the Mississippi the Chicagua. In Margry's map (1679) the Grand Calumet is called Chekagoue. Father Membre, who accompanied La Salle in 1681-82, says they "went toward the Divine river (Illinois), called by the Indians Checaugou." La Salle says (1681-82) that they arrived at "the division line called Chicagua, from the river of the same name which lies in the country of the Mascoutens." This was the Des Plaines. The head chief of the Illinois was Checaqua, named thus because he was great, mighty, powerful, strong. The name is variously spelled Chikagu, Chekagou, Chicagu, Chicague, Checagou, Checaqua, Chicagou, Checaugou, Chucagoa, Chucagua, Chigogoe, etc. Even as late as the treaty of Greenville, held August 3, 1795, there was manifest confusion as to what had been located on the Chicago river and what not. By that treaty the Indians ceded to the United States "one piece of land six miles square at the mouth of the Chicago river, emptying into the southwest end of Lake Michigan where a fort formerly stood." The latter clause very likely refers to the fort that stood on St. Joseph river formerly called Chicagou. It is clear that, owing to the fact that several streams were really called Chicagou by the Indians and therefore by the whites, the distant mapmakers themselves became confused when they attempted to locate forts, villages or circumstances thereon. The old Indian name of the Calumet was spelled Killimick or Calamick; the Kankakee was spelled Teatika.

An important reference to Chicago was made by Governor Rocheblave of Illinois in 1783. At that time he was fighting to have his claims for losses during the Revolution made good by the British government at Quebec. He stated he wanted his claims allowed at once as he had to go from Quebec to "find Madame Rocheblave and the rest of the family at Chikagou." It is known that his family were still at Kaskaskia. Thus the reference was not to the present Chicago. It must have been either to the western country as a whole, or to the Mississippi or Illinois river settlements in particular.

In 1721 an English commission, having explored the Western country, reported, among other findings, that "from the Lake Huron they pass by the Strait Michillimackinack four leagues, being two in breadth and of great depth, to the Lake Illinoise (Michigan), thence 150 leagues on the lake to Fort Miamis. situated on the mouth of the river Chicagoe. From thence come those Indians of the same name, viz.: Miamis, who are settled on the aforementioned river (Maumee, formerly Miami) that runs into Lake Erie. Up the river Chicagoe, they sail but three leagues to a passage of one-fourth of a league, then enter a small lake of about a mile and have another very small portage, and again another of two miles to the river Illinois (Kankakee), thence down the stream 130 leagues to the Mississippi." This must have been the river referred to in 1699 by St. Cosme when he wrote that on a trip to the Illinois country he found the Miamis at Chicagou, where there was already a mission under Fathers Pinet and Bineteau. Neither at that time nor at any time were the Miamis located permanently on the present Chicago river, but they were on the St. Joseph, then called Chicagou, where there was a mission and a fort. Charlevoix writes: "All having promised to send deputies there, he proceeded to the Western quarters; but turned south and went to Chicagou at the lower end of Lake Michigan, where the Miamis then were." He spoke of it as a place and not as a river. This visit must have been made to the St. Joseph river, called Chicagou, where the Miamis were, and not to the present Chicago river. Shea, in a footnote to Charlevoix's account, says that Perrot went no farther than Green Bay, because the Miamis were not then at Chicago; but Shea apparently did not know that St. Joseph river was early called Chicagou, and that therefore the Charlevoix account was consistent, Perrot's visit being to the Miamis on St. Joseph river. Shea seemed to think that because the Miamis were not then at the present Chicago river, Perrot could not have made the visit as narrated by Charlevoix. But there are too many particulars mentioned to warrant any doubt that Perrot at this time really visited the Miamis on St. Joseph, and probably was the first white man to look upon the present Cook county. The Miami head chief then was too old to attend the proposed general assembly of the Western tribes, but he empowered the Pottawatomies to represent him and his tribe on that occasion. This assembly was held at Sault St. Mary in May, 1671. Perrot did not visit the Mascouten, Kickapoo or Illinois tribes at this time — why, it is not known.

Joliet and Marqnette were probably the first white men actually to traverse the present Chicago river; this was in July, 1673, on the return trip from their first visit to the Mississippi. The fact is certain, but the route traversed is somewhat doubtful; ii may have been the Calumet or Stony creek route. The description fits the Calumet river as well or better than the Chicago river, and one writer, at least, Albert D. Hagar, has argued with much force and plausibility that they must have passed over the former route. However, both routes were within the present limits of Cook county. In December, 1674, Marquette again passed over the same" route, whether it was by the Calumet or the Chicago river. From the 4th to the 12th of December, he and his companions spent the time at the mouth of the river killing game and getting ready to cross the portage. Deer were abundant. There were eight or nine cabins of the Mascoutens near the mouth of the river. With him, among others, were two Frenchmen named Pierre and Jacques. After starting he stopped at a log cabin nearly five miles from the mouth of Chicago or Calumet river. This hut was owned by two, traders — Pierre Moreau (La Taupine) and a trader-surgeon, both of whom were temporarily absent, though they returned as soon as they heard of the presence of Father Marquette. The possible location of the cabin has been recently, though perhaps erroneously, marked in the lumber district of Chicago. So far as known, this rude house was the first white human habitation in what is now Cook county. When it was built is unknown. Here Marquette remained the balance of the winter — sick but patient, brave and contented with his lot, though death stared him in the face. Mr. Hagar argues that the cabin stood on the Calumet route, but recently writers and public opinion have placed it on the South Branch of the Chicago river.

Father Claude Allouez, who succeeded Marquette in charge of the Illinois missions, and who came out in 1677, related that upon his arrival he was met at the mouth of the Chicagou river by a large number of Illinois Indians, who conducted him to their villages in the vicinity of the present Utica, Ill. This Chicagou river may have been the St. Joseph, because in a subsequent visit he spoke of Chicagou river and clearly meant the St. Joseph. He returned to Canada, but came out again in 1678 and again in 1680 and 1684. the latter time with Durantaye, who at this time built a fort at the mouth of the Chicagou river. The Chicagou river here referred to must have been the St. Joseph, of Michigan, because there is no evidence that Durantaye or any other person built a fort thus early at the present Chicago, but a fort was built on the St. Joseph about 1784, and Durantaye, the same year, was in command there. At this date Tonty commanded Fort St. Louis at Starved Rock, Ill.

In 1679 La Salle and a body of Frenchmen passed southward along the western coast of Lake Michigan; visited the Indians on Green Bay; continued past the present Cook county; admired the beauty of the landscape; landed at the mouth of St. Joseph river; there built Fort Miami, the first in the "Illinois country"; was there joined by the faithful Tonty and more Frenchmen; passed with all up the St. Joseph to about South Bend; then crossed the portage to the Kankakee river, down which they moved, entering the Illinois, and finally built Fort Crevecreur near Peoria, and later Fort St. Louis at Starved Rock. La Salle again came out in 1680 and 1681. The brave and skillful Tonty remained in the "Illinois country." La Salle preferred the St. Joseph-Kankakee route — did not like the Chicago portage recommended by Joliet — called it a ditch. For several years he made Fort Miami a distributing point. A little later it was destroyed by deserters from Fort Crevecoeur, but was rebuilt about 1784 by Durantaye, as before stated.

La Salle says in his "Relations" concerning the Chicago portage: "This is an isthmus of land of 41 degrees 50 minutes north latitude at the west of the Islinois (Michigan) lake, which is reached by a channel (Chicago river) formed by the junction of several rivulets or meadow ditches. It is navigable for about two leagues (nearly five miles) to the edge of the prairie a quarter of a mile westward. There is a little lake (Mud) divided by a causeway made by the beavers, about a league and a half long, from which runs a stream which, after winding about a half league through the rushes, empties into the river Chicagou (Desplaines), and thence into that of the Islinois. This lake is filled by heavy summer rains or spring freshets, and discharges also into the channel which leads to the lake of the Islinois, the level of which is seven feet lower than the prairie, on which is the lake. The river of Checagou (Desplaines) does the same thing in the spring when its channel is full. It empties a part of its waters by this little lake into that of the Islinois, and at this season, Joliet says, forms in the summer time a little channel for a quarter of a league from this lake to the basin which leads to the Islinois by which vessels can enter the Chicagou (Desplaines) and descend to the sea."

Father Zenobius Membre wrote of La Salle's expedition: "On the 21st of December, 1681, I embarked with Sieur de Tonty and a part of our people on Lake Dauphin (Michigan) to go to the Divine river, called by the Indians Checagou (Kankakee and Illinois), in order to make necessary arrangements for a voyage. The Sieur de la Salle joined us here (probably at Fort Miami, on the St. Joseph river) with the rest of his troop on January 4, 1682, and found that Tonty had had sleighs made to put all on and carry over the Chicagou (Kankakee), which was frozen, for though the winter in these parts is only two months long it is notwithstanding very severe. We had to make a portage (near South Bend) to enter the Illinois river (Kankakee), which we found also frozen. We made it on the 27th of the same month, and dragging our canoes, baggage and provisions about eighty leagues on the river Seigueley (Illinois), which runs into the river Colbert (Mississippi), we passed the great Illinois towns (near Utica) without finding any one there."

St. Cosme wrote in 1699 that on his journey to the Illinois country he passed up the Chicagou river and "put up for the night about two leagues off on a little river which is lost in the prairie." Very likely he put up at the cabin on the South branch of the present Chicago river, perhaps previously occupied by Father Marquette. The next day he "began on the portage, which is about three leagues long (seven and one-fourth miles), when the water is low, and only a quarter of a league in the spring, for the little lake in spring can be used, but not when it is dry, to reach the Desplaines."

The successes of the Iroquois were not sufficient to extinguish the claims of France to the Illinois country. The Illinois colony, particularly that portion on the Mississippi, continued to receive many desirable settlers from both Canada and Louisiana. The vast grant to La Salle in 1684 presumably included what is now Cook county, the language being that his dominion should extend "from Fort St. Louis, on the Illinois river, into New Biscay (Durango)." This must have meant all included within the colony of Fort St. Louis, and if so, may be said to have embraced Cook county, really an outlayer of that settlement.

Prior to 1712 military law ruled Louisiana, and therefore the Illinois colony, the latter being independent, but attached to the former, which was a dependency of New France, or Canada. Tonty was the first military commandant of the Illinois colony, and as such was both chief constabulary and chief executive. His word was law, but he was accountable to France for his conduct. It is not improbable that French cabins and trading posts more or less continuously occupied the traversed portions of Cook county, particularly at the spot on the South Branch, where stood the La Taupine cabin, occupied by Marquette, or at the Calumet portage. Owing mainly to the relentless incursions of the Iroquois, Fort St. Louis was abandoned in 1702, as it had previously been abandoned in 1680 by Tonty. Swine were probably introduced into the Illinois colony before 1700; domestic cattle were brought here in 1711. By 1700 scores of Frenchmen and missionaries began to pass between Canada and Louisiana, often by the Chicago route, when it could be done in safety. Hardy French traders and devoted missionaries were at this date living with all the western tribes. The Illinois country began to send down the Mississippi boat loads of flour, meal, pork, beef, hides, furs, etc. Already it was famous in Canada and France for the beautiful scenery, temperate climate, rich soil and velvet plains teeming with wild game.

After the grant of Louisiana colony to Anthony Crozat, in 1712, the Illinois country became a part of Louisiana and the latter remained, as before, a dependency of Canada. The grant was for fifteen years; it lasted but two. Crozat was succeeded as Governor of Louisiana by Cadillac in 1714, and he by L'Espinay in 1717. From 1712 to 1725 the Illinois country enjoyed a period of pleasing growth and prosperity. Numerous boats with thousands of colonists, traders, voyagers, missionaries and adventurers passed back and forth over the waters between Canada and Louisiana, the Chicago route getting, no doubt, its share of the travel. The building of Fort Chartres in 1720, on the east side of the Mississippi below St. Louis by D'Boisbriant rendered the colony safe for women and firmly and permanently established French settlements in the Illinois country. There sprang up immediately in that vicinity the happy and prosperous settlements of Prairie de Rocher, St. Philippi and Cahokia. The Sulpetians built at Cahokia a water-mill — saw and flour. The Western Company, which succeeded Crozat in control of Louisiana and therefore of the Illinois colony, conducted a large warehouse at Fort Chartres. The fort gave absolute security to the inhabitants and blocked any attempt of the English to gain a foothold on the Upper Mississippi. The Western Company took the grant of Louisiana (including the Illinois colony and Cook county) for twenty-five years — 1718 to 1742.

At the commencement of the Seven Years' War the French held actual possession of the Mississippi, though the English claimed ownership to its banks at the south and also at the north, in the valley of the Ohio. The French had settlements and forts at St. Joseph, Mich., and along the Wabash, the Illinois and the Mississippi, with the impregnable Fort Chartres, just built, to guard the upper courses of the latter. They had also captured Fort Duquesne at Pittsburg, and thus practically held possession of all the territory west of the Appalachians. The English prepared to assault at four quarters along the northern and western borders. In the Illinois country were 300 French soldiers. Captain Villiers, in 1754, was sent from Fort Chartres with a detachment to assist the force at Fort Duquesne, upon which, it was seen, the first blow would fall. War on a large scale and in earnest, with all the accompaniments of savage barbarity, was now to settle the long and vexatious controversy as to the ownership of American soil, including what is now Illinois.

In 1757 Governor De Kerlerec, of Louisiana, formulated his design of uniting the tribes of the Mississippi, combining them with available French forces, and marching on the Atlantic colonies, in order to divert them from the projected attack on Canada. It was wisely concluded that while the British forces were engaged elsewhere, the French could cut the colonies in two down the Potomac valley, and thus, with an attack in their rear, force the English from concentrating against Canada; but the French court was too impotent to take advantage of this plan, and accordingly General Wolfe came from the Plains of Abraham with a splendid victory. However, the English, under Braddock, were terribly defeated near Pittsburg, mainly by the French and Indians under Capt. Charles D'Aubrey, of Fort Chartres. Had such success been quickly followed, as it should have been, by all the French and Indian power of the West, and further been followed by a prompt advance down the Potomac valley, history might have assumed an altogether different finality. The Illinois country might have remained to France, and hence could not have been won by the Colonies in the Revolution. In that case what is now Cook county, Illinois, might have remained a dependency of France. The latter might not have joined the Colonies in their struggle for independence. Indeed, the Colonies might not have won their independence, or, if they had, might not have obtained the western country, including Cook county.

Capt. Thomas Sterling, on behalf of the British, took possession of Fort Chartres and the Illinois country on October 10, 1765, and remained in command until Maj. Robert Farmer took charge in December, 1765. The latter was succeeded by Col. Edward Cole in 1766, and he by Colonel Reed in 1768. From September 5, 1768, until March 30, 1772, Lieut. Col. John Wilkins, of the Eighteenth or Royal Regiment (British), was military commandant of the fort and the Illinois country, but at the latter date he was succeeded by acting Maj. Robert Hamilton from Fort Pitt. On June 11, 1772, Hamilton was relieved by Capt. Hugh Lord. The latter had two companies of infantry and three artillerymen and remained in command until May 1. 1776, when he and the most of his troops were recalled to Canada, leaving the Illinois country exposed to the attacks of savages. Called away thus hurriedly Captain Lord turned over the fort, the country and his own family to Phillippe Francais de Rastel, Chevalier de Richeblave, who in the end proved to be the last of the British commandants to govern or control the Illinois country. Rocheblave. without troops money or official authority, acquitted himself with signal distinction until the country was captured by Col. George Rogers Clark, in July. 1778. Doubtless Rocheblave was left in command because he was acceptable to the French residents. He certainly had the confidence of Captain Lord, who left his family with him; nor was that confidence misplaced. In all the arduous trials of the Revolutionary period Rocheblave. though beset with dangers and enormous expenses, proved faithful to his pledge to Captain Lord and to his office under the British.

From 1765 to 1768 the Illinois country, though included within the jurisdiction of Canada, seems to have had no regular form of government except that of the commandant's court; but on Nov. 12, 1768, General Gage ordered a change. Commissions equivalent to those of justices of the peace were granted to seven of the residents, French and English, of the Illinois country. They were constituted a court with jurisdiction in all cases of debt, but no jury was provided for. It was called the "Court of Enquiry," and seems to have been dominated by "The Company," a mercantile institution of Kaskaskia. "The Company" was composed of Boynton, Wharton and Morgan, the latter of whom was president of the "Court of Enquiry." The proceedings of the court were unsatisfactory to the French inhabitants and a small rebellion resulted. The inhabitants wanted the "Court of Enquiry" to be conducted by the military commandant and not by "The Company."

Rocheblave, a Frenchman himself, though satisfactory to the French residents, proved unsatisfactory to the English inhabitants. Though as a whole faithful to the cause of Great Britain, he was partial to the French residents as against the English. Several English traders on the Illinois river, probably at Peoria, petitioned against him to Sir Guy Carleton, commander in chief of Canada. It was declared that he trampled on their liberties, despised the English and their laws, acted as both counsel and judge, traded liquor to the Indians against his own orders, required a servile submission; yet. although these charges were probably true, it cannot be denied that he showed great skill in keeping the savages in subjection without troops, meeting the emergencies in his trying position without money or resources; keeping the Spanish, whose language and intentions he knew, from taking possession of the country, and outwitting the rebellious colonists until he was captured by Colonel Clark. Generally, his course was satisfactory to the English authorities, and his acts were approved. He made his headquarters at Fort Gage. Kaskaskia. Had Captain Lord and the two companies of troops not been sent away at the commencement of the Revolution. Colonel Clark could not have captured the Illinois country. The latter might have had a different fate.

After the Seven Years' war the territory east of the Mississippi was never again called Louisiana. Before that war ended France, perceiving that she might lose all her American possessions unless Spain joined her, entered into a secret agreement with her, called the "Family Compact." whereby the latter, should she lose the Floridas or Cuba to England as a result of the alliance, would be recompensed by the transfer to her of Louisiana. But, as a result of the war, France having lost to England that part of Louisiana east of the Mississippi, and Spain having lost Cuba and Florida, therefore that part of Louisiana west of the Mississippi was ceded by France to Spain. Thus what is now Cook county, Illinois, passed from France to England as the result of this war.

Upon the conclusion of peace at the end of the Seven Years' war the English as soon as practicable took possession of all the French posts east of the Mississippi. Many Frenchmen, unwilling to become English subjects, crossed the Mississippi to Spanish territory. Taking possession proved a difficult step, owing to the open hostility of the Indians and the repugnance and opposition of the French inhabitants. In order to establish British authority, it was found necessary to displace all French civil officers with English ones, and this was done. But the Jesuits had so much influence over the Indians and the French inhabitants that the hostility to everything English continued. Therefore, as a last act, to establish British rule and authority, all the Jesuits were expelled from what may be called British Louisiana — that east of the Mississippi, which included the present Cook county, Illinois. Under the British the country east of the Mississippi and north of the 31st degree of north latitude continued to be called Illinois.

Soon after the accession of the Western country by Great Britain she proceeded to divide Florida into two sections — East and West — and provided each with a suitable government. The northern boundary of West Florida was, in 1764, extended up to the mouth of the Yazoo river. The Illinois country seems to have been left without a provincial government — seems to have been under the control of Maj. Arthur Loftus, Governor of West Florida, or his subordinate at Fort Chartres. The following extract taken from the Annual Register (English), Vol. VI., explains the status of the English possessions north of the Yazoo and east of the Mississippi, and of course included the Illinois country and what is now Cook county:

"The readers will observe, and possibly with some surprise, that in this distribution much of the largest and perhaps the most valuable part of our conquests does not fall into any of these governments; that the environs of the Great Lakes, the fine countries on the whole course of the Ohio and Ouabache (Wabash) and almost all that tract of Louisiana which lies in the hither branch of the Mississippi, are none of them comprehended in the distribution. The government of West Florida extends in no part much above half a degree from the sea. Many reasons may be assigned for this apparent omission. A consideration of the Indians was, we presume, the principal, because it might have given a sensible alarm to that people if they had seen us formally cantoning out their whole country in regular establishments." The writer complained that all the territory recently acquired north of the Floridas had not been included in either East or West Florida, nor in any of the colonies to the east.

In the Revolution the Colonies sought to gain their independence and as much territory as possible. England owned all east of the Mississippi and Spain all west of that stream. Both had the right to navigate its whole course. France had been mourning in sackcloth and ashes ever since the Seven Years' war, for the loss of her American possessions, and hated England with intense and undying bitterness. She was ready for any step to humiliate her enemy, wound her in a vulnerable part, or win back what had been lost in the Seven Years' war. Even before the revolt of the English colonies, France had intimated that she would assist them to gain their independence; and after the struggle had begun she openly helped them with money, munitions and encouragement. She formally joined the Colonies by treaty of alliance dated Feb. 6, 1778. She repeatedly urged Spain to join against Great Britain, and that country would have done so had not conflicting-interests in America arisen. Spain soon had a different object in view. She owned the right bank of the Mississippi from its source to the Gulf. Above all things, she wanted to secure the Floridas, in which case she would own both banks of the Lower Mississippi, and therefore believed. she could control the navigation of that stream. She also wanted the territory east of the Upper Mississippi — the same that France had owned before the Seven Years' war — which included the Illinois country and what is now Cook county. Owning both banks of the Mississippi throughout its course, and owning both of the Floridas and the remainder of the Gulf coast, she would have not only undoubted and absolute control of the navigation of that river, but could declare the whole Gulf a closed sea — could shut all other countries out of both river and Gulf. As the war progressed, it became evident that the Colonies would probably secure not only their independence, but all the country east of the Mississippi as well. When this eventuality became evident Spain perceived that her American colonial designs were certain to conflict with those of the, Colonies after the war. She therefore refrained from joining the Colonies against Great Britain. In fact, on May 8, 1779, she declared war against Great Britain, but did not form an alliance with the Colonies. She was forced to take this step, in order to forestall the Colonies in capturing the Floridas and the Western country and to take advantage of England while she was busy with her rebellious colonies, and while the Colonies themselves were unable to interfere.

It thus came to pass that Spain actually conquered the Floridas from Great Britain and later claimed to have conquered all the upper country east of the Mississippi, including the Illinois country and what is now Cook county. But the latter claim was not allowed by the United States after the Revolution, partly because George Rogers Clark during the war captured the Illinois and Wabash valleys in the interest of the Colonies. What Spain really did in the upper country, while the Colonies were struggling in the Revolution, was to take possession of Natchez, establish posts at Walnut Hills (Vicksburg), and Chickasaw Bluffs (Memphis), strengthen the posts and the settlements in the Wabash and the Illinois country, take possession of the left bank of the Mississippi opposite Arkansas post and capture St. Joseph, Michigan, and the Illinois country by an expedition from St. Louis. In all of these movements, the real object of Spain was to gain the Floridas, and both banks of the Mississippi. While the struggling colonies were in their sorest straits near the close of the long and crushing war, Spain coolly and unhesitatingly told the Colonies that the only obstacle in the way of her joining them against England was their absolute surrender of the right to navigate the Mississippi. France pointedly and persistently urged the Colonies to grant this demand. In this dire extremity, when the Colonies were hardest pressed, when it seemed that another supreme effort would win independence, and when it was believed that Spain could supplement that supreme effort, the Continental authorities came within an inch of surrendering their prized and invaluable right to navigate the Mississippi. They knew that if they won their independence, their domain would extend to the Mississippi above the 31st degree north latitude, and that by virtue of the English right to navigate the lower course of that stream, secured by the treaty of Fontainebleau, they would be entitled to navigate the lower course. In the absence of railroads the Mississippi was the only outlet to the ocean the Western people possessed; they, therefore, vehemently declared that the surrender of their rights to navigate the Mississippi would be followed by their withdrawal from the Union. The opposition of the Western people and the selfish attitude of Spain — grasping, unfriendly, narrowminded and treacherous — at last roused the Continental Congress to the importance of immediate and specific action, and thereupon they passed a resolution never to surrender the rights of the United States to navigate the whole course of the Mississippi.

Upon the conclusion of peace in 1783, England ceded to Spain the Floridas, but ceded to the United States all the upper country — all north of West Florida and east of the Mississippi. It required a half dozen years before Spain relinquished her claim to the upper country east of the river (including the Illinois country and Cook county); and it required an even score of years before the absolute right of the United States to navigate the whole course of the Mississippi was finally settled. It will thus be seen that the treaty of 1783 permanently transferred the Illinois country and Cook county to the United States.

After the revolution, much truer than before, 'the right to navigate the Mississippi was, in the absence of railways, all important to the Western people. The Illinois country grew rapidly and immensely. The project of shutting out the Americans from the lower Mississippi, or of surrendering for twenty-five years, as was proposed, the right to navigate that course was declared sufficient, if carried into effect, to cause the Western people to set up an independent government. Their rights were not interfered with except temporarily.

The treaty of October 27. 1795, between Spain and the United States established the southern boundary of the latter on the 31st parallel of the north latitude, located the western boundary in the middle of the Mississippi, extended to the United States the right to navigate the whole course of that stream, and gave the latter the right to deposit merchandise at New Orleans for three years, or an equivalent establishment elsewhere, if not at New Orleans after that date. This treaty rendered the settlement and prosperity of the Western country both certain and rapid. The interdiction of the merchandise deposits at New Orleans in October, 1802, and the failure of Spain to assign an "equivalent establishment elsewhere" again roused the Western people; but the transfer of Louisiana by Napoleon, in 1803, to the United States forever made the Mississippi exclusively the property of the latter and thus removed all clouds from the commercial sky of the Illinois country and Cook county.

It will be seen that the tract of country now called Cook county, Illinois, was first the property of the Indians — presumably the Mascoutens, then the Illinois, and then the Pottawatomies. At the date of exploration France claimed it as a part of New France (Canada), and the English Atlantic colonies claimed it as a westward extension of their grants. But France perfected her claim and thus became the first white owner of Cook county. In 1684 it was included in the grant to La Salle, but was soon freed by his early death. In 1701 the English, by their treaty with the Iroquois, secured a claim to the country westward to the Mississippi, but this claim probably extended no further northward than the Calumet, and, therefore, did not embrace all of Cook county, though it did embrace much of the Illinois country. In 1712 this county was included in the grant to Crozat; in 1714 it passed in the grant to the Western Company, which in 1718 united with the Eastern Company; and in 1723 it was embraced in the grant to the Royal India Company — all French, of course. From 1732 to 1763 it remained under the immediate government of France. In 1763 it passed to England as a result of the Seven Years' war, and in 1783 was ceded to the United States. It was claimed by Spain at the close of the Revolution, but this claim was never seriously considered, and after a score of years was abandoned. The cession of Louisiana to the United States in 1803 settled the rights of the latter to the Mississippi.



IT DOES not appear that the Miamis, except perhaps for short periods, ever occupied the present site of downtown Chicago. Their permanent home was on St. Joseph river, Michigan, and their domain probably extended as far as the Little Calumet, and therefore may have embraced the southern part of Cook county. It is known, however, that the Mascoutens, who were closely related to the Miamis, were early at the mouth of the present Chicago river; in fact their domain joined that of the Miamis on the west. It is probable that the occasional attacks of the Five Nations from the East may have driven the Miamis to the present Chicago river to live temporarily. It is known that before 1671 the Miamis and Mascoutens occupied villages in common in Wisconsin, and that a portion of the Miami tribe continued to live there as late as 1697. In 1699 St. Cosme and his associates found the Miamis at Chicago (St. Joseph, Michigan), where there was a mission in charge of Fathers Pinet and Bineteau. Although the name Chicago is here used, reference to St. Joseph is undoubted, owing to the fact that Fathers Pinet and Bineteau at that date had a mission at the latter place and not at the former. In 1721 Charlevoix wrote as follows: "Fifty years ago the Miamis were settled on the southern extremity of Lake Michigan, in a place called Chicago, from the name of a small river which runs into the lake, the source of which is not far distant from that of the river of the Illinois." This reference also is to St. Joseph. The Kankakee was then called the river of the Illinois, near the head of which the St. Joseph river had its source. The Des Plaines at no time was called the Illinois. The Miamis, it is known, were then located on the St. Joseph, then called Chicago. A little later the Weas, also related to the Miamis. occupied at least a part of the present Cook county. At the treaty of Greenville, August 3, 1795, Little Turtle, chief of the Miamis, claimed that the domain of his tribe extended westward as far as the present Chicago, but the Indians usually claimed more than was due them. His tribe really claimed to the Calumet. The Illinois, also related to the Miamis, at times no doubt occupied the present soil of Cook county; so of the Kickapoos. Still later the combined Pottawatomies, Ottawas and Chippewas drove the Illinois and their allies from this vicinity and kept possession until they were dispossessed by the whites. All of the tribes mentioned above were of Algonquin or Chippewa stock, and were thus closely related.

The Treaty of Greenville, concluded at Greenville, Ohio, August 3. 1795, between the United States, on one side, and the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawnees, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawatomies, Miamis, Eel Rivers, Weas, Kickapoos, Piankeshaws and Kaskaskias, on the other, provided that there should pass to the United States "one piece of land six miles square at the mouth of the Chicago river, emptying into the southwest end of Lake Michigan, where a fort formerly stood." By this treaty the whites were allowed a free passage "from the mouth of Chicago river to the commencement of the portage between that river and the Illinois and down the Illinois to the Mississippi." The above tribes, or portions of them, as above stated, had claimed, from time immemorial, the soil at what is now Cook county, and Chicago. Several of them that had no just claim to this tract (Wyandots and Delawares) were joined in the treaty in order to forestall any subsequent claim against the Government.

On November 3, 1804, the Sacs and Foxes ceded to the United States all the country south of the Wisconsin, and a direct line drawn from a point thirty-six miles up the river to Sakaegan Lake (which is supposed to be about thirty miles from the shore of Lake Michigan), thence to a branch of the Illinois river. But this was really Winnebago territory. The Ottawas, Chippewas and Pottawatomies protested against this sale of their lands by the Sacs and Foxes.

To the War of 1812, with its accompanying influence for the worse upon the Indians, was due the attack of the Indians at the Lee residence and at Fort Dearborn. Charles Lee owned a farm on the South Branch about four miles from its mouth; his house stood on the northwest side of the river and was first called "Lee's Place," and later "Hardscrabble." Lee himself and his family lived near the fort, and his "place" was occupied by Liberty White, a Frenchman named Deliou, a discharged soldier and a boy. On April 6, 1812, a war party of eleven Winnebagoes appeared and killed two of the men, the other man and the boy having become suspicious and escaped to the fort. On their way they notified the family of Burns, living on the river at what is now North State street, of their danger, and?. squad of soldiers was sent to escort them to the fort. All of the families gathered in the fort and the Indians left the neighborhood. This ended the affair, but the next two months the Indians hovered around and the whites had to be on their guard.

War between England and the United States was declared June 18, 1812, and on July 16 Fort Mackinac was captured by the enemy. On August 9, a message with news of the war was received here from Gen. William Hull, at Detroit, commander of the Western Department, accompanied with an order to Capt. Nathan Heald, commander of Fort Dearborn, to evacuate the fort and return with his command to Detroit. Under the circumstances, this was an insane order and could have been issued only by such a timorous officer as General Hull. The force here consisted of fifty-four privates, twelve militiamen and three or four officers, and in the fort were about a dozen women and twenty children. Captain Heald presumed upon the friendship of the Pottawatomies and waited six days, until about four hundred of that tribe had assembled. He expected they would act as escort to his charge all the way to Detroit: On the 13th Capt. William Wells arrived from Fort Wayne with thirty friendly Miamis to assist Captain Heald on his march. All of the ammunition and guns not needed and all of the whisky were destroyed and thrown into the river or the lake. The destruction of the liquor greatly inflamed the Indians, and was one of the causes that induced the Pottawatomies to turn against the whites. The Indians held a council and resolved on the destruction of the garrison. Notwithstanding this fact was made known to Captain Heald, and notwithstanding the opposition of John Kinzie and the friendly Indians, of whom there were several, the commander determined to obey the order of General Hull and evacuate the fort. The massacre which resulted was due to this determination and not to any necessity to evacuate. Disobedience of the order would have been fully justified with almost certain massacre staring the garrison in the face in case of evacuation. The fort could have been held for months, or until relief from Detroit or elsewhere could have arrived. Captain Heald undoubtedly thought the Pottawatomies could be trusted and relied upon that hope. He did not seem to take into consideration that the Indians might be acting at the instigation of the British, and, as it transpired later, this was actually the fact, but the determination to evacuate was carried out. At 9 o'clock on the morning of the 15th all marched forth. At the head were fifteen of the Miamis and the other fifteen brought up the rear; between were the women and children in wagons and on horseback; and around them were the regulars and the militiamen. The march led south along the lake shore. On the west, beginning a little south of the fort, was a sand ridge extending parallel with the shore far to the south. When the march began the Pottawatomies accompanied the party as a supposed escort, but when the sand ridge was reached they passed to the west side of it. Concealed by the ridge, they hurried forward, and about a mile and a half from the fort made preparations to attack the whites when they should arrive near the shore opposite. Captain Wells, riding in advance, was the first to see signs of attack and came hurriedly back. When opposite the Indians, the latter began firing from their place of concealment on the ridge and were charged upon by the troop, and the fighting became brisk. The Indians managed to flank the whites and thus reached the wagons, and there the slaughter mostly occurred. The Miamis fled at the first attack and took no part in the massacre. Twenty-five non-commissioned officers and privates and eleven women and children alone escaped the slaughter; all the rest were butchered. The survivors were surrendered by Captain Heald upon condition that their lives would be spared. Nearly all the wounded were put to death. The Indians engaged numbered about four hundred. Their loss was probably fifteen. Captain Wells, Ensign Ronau and Surgeon Van Voohis were among the killed. The former was horribly mutilated, his head cut off and his heart taken out and eaten by the savages. That this attack was at the instigation of the British is shown by the fact that Captain Heald, the commander, after he had recovered from his wounds at St. Joseph, was delivered to the British at Mackinac and by them paroled. Friendly Indians saved several whites from death. The following day the fort and the agency building were destroyed by fire, and for four years thereafter lay in ruins. So far as known, the bodies of the dead were permitted to rot where they fell.

On August 24, 1816, the Ottawas, Chippewas and Pottawatomies residing on the Illinois and "Milwakee" rivers and their branches, and on the southwestern parts of Lake Michigan, ceded to the United States "all their right, title and claim to all the land contained in the before-mentioned cession of the Sacs and Foxes, which lies south of a due west line from the southern extremity of Lake Michigan to the Mississippi." They also ceded the following tract: "Beginning on the left bank of the Fox river of Illinois, ten miles above the mouth of said Fox river; thence running so as to cross Sandy creek, ten miles above its mouth; thence in a direct line to a point ten miles north of the west end of the portage between Chicago creek, which empties into Lake Michigan, and the river Desplaines, a fork of the Illinois; thence in a direct line to a point in Lake Michigan ten miles northward of the mouth of Chicago creek; thence along the lake to a point ten miles southward of the mouth of said Chicago creek; thence in a direct line to a point on the Kankakee, ten miles above its mouth; thence with the said Kankakee and the Illinois river to the mouth of Fox river; and thence to the beginning." By this treaty the United States relinquished to the above tribes all other land contained in the aforesaid cession by the Sacs and Foxes lying north of a due west line from the southern extremity of Lake Michigan to the Mississippi, except reservations in Wisconsin. This treaty of the Sacs and Foxes referred to did not touch any part of what is now Cook county; its eastern boundary was in part the Fox river. Two of the Indian names signed to this treaty of 1816 were Black Bird and Black Partridge.

"In 1816 a tract of land bordering on Lake Michigan, including Chicago and extending to the Illinois river, was obtained from the Indians for the purpose of opening a canal communication between the lake and the river. Having been one of the commissioners that treated for this land, I personally know that the Indians were induced to believe that the opening of a canal would be very advantageous to them, and that under authorized expectations that this would be done they ceded the land for a trifle." — (Governor Edwards' Message.)

On August 19, 1825, at "Prairie des Chien," it was conceded by the United States that "the Illinois Indians have also a just claim to a portion of the country bounded south by the Indian boundary line aforesaid (running from the south end of Lake Michigan directly westward to the Mississippi), east by Lake Michigan, north by the Menominee country (about the Milwaukee river), and northwest by Rock river."

In 1825, and before, Alexander Wolcott was Indian agent at Chicago. He had granted in 1823 and 1824 licenses to trade with the Indians to the following persons: Jeremie Clermont, David Laughton, Jacob Harsen, Isidore Chabert, Stephen Mack, Jr., Nathaniel Leonard, Jr., Cole Weeks, John Baptiste Beaubien and Archibald Clybourn. Clermont was at Milwaukee, Laughton on Vermilion river, Harson on the Kankakee, Chabert on the Iroquois, Mack on Rocky (Rock) river, Leonard at Milwaukee, Weeks at Grand Bois and Beaubien and Clybourn at Chicago. Each of the latter had only $500 of capital thus employed.

In 1828 occurred the Winnebago Indian alarm; they killed a few emigrants, when a volunteer force overawed them. The Indian trade was the only good trade here at this time. Alexander Wolcott was Indian agent in 1827 at Chicago; Stephen Mack on Rock river, Archibald Clybourn, by a substitute, on Rock river; Elisha Taylor at Milwaukee, George Hunt on Rock river, and Clermont Lauzon at Milwaukee. In 1829 the superintendency of Indian affairs of Michigan territory embraced Chicago, and the latter included all the country along Lake Michigan from Milwaukee to Grand river in Michigan. Alexander Doyle was sub-agent of Indians at Chicago in 1829. At this date there was an aggregation of 105 soldiers at Fort Dearborn under Major Fowie; they were two companies of the Fifth infantry.

By the treaty of July 29, 1829, held at "Prairie de Chien" with the Chippewa, Ottawa and Pottawatomie Indians, the United States secured the following tract: "Beginning on the western shore of Lake Michigan at the northeast corner of the field of Antoine Ouilmette, who lives near Gross Point, about twelve miles north of Chicago; thence running due west to Rock river; thence down said river to where a line drawn due west from the most southern bend of Lake Michigan crosses said river; thence east along said line to the Fox river of the Illinois; thence along the northwestern boundary line of 1816 to Lake Michigan; thence northwardly along the western shore of said lake to the place of beginning."

From this cession there was reserved to Billy Caldwell "two and a half sections on the Chicago river above and adjoining the line of the purchase of 1816; to Victoire Pothier one and a half sections on the Chicago river above and adjoining the tract of land herein granted to Billy Caldwell; to Jane Miranda, one quarter section on the Chicago river above and adjoining the tract herein granted to Victoire Pothier; to Archange Ouilmette, a Pottawatomie woman, wife of Antoine Ouilmette, two sections for herself and her children on Lake Michigan south of and adjoining the northern boundary of the cession herein made by the Indians aforesaid to the United States."

It was agreed that these tracts of land should never be leased or convened by the grantees or their heirs to any persons whatever without permission of the President of the United States, and that the United States, at its own expense, should cause to be surveyed the northern boundary line of this cession from Lake Michigan to Rock river as soon as practicable. The commissioners to conclude this treaty were John McNeil, Pierre Menard and Caleb Atwater. John H. Kinzie (Indian sub-agent), Lieut. Col. Zachary Taylor, Alexander Wolcott (Indian agent), and Thomas Forsyth (Indian agent), were present. At this treaty there were paid by the United States for Indian depredations the following claims: To Antoine Ouilmette $800 for damage by the Indians at the time of the Chicago massacre and during the War of 1812; to the heirs of John Kinzie, for damages at the Chicago massacre, and at St. Joseph (Michigan), during the war of 1812, $3,500; to Margaret Helon, for losses at the Chicago massacre, $800, and to James Kinzie, for money due him, $485.

By the treaty of October 20. 1832, at Camp Tippecanoe, the Pottawatomie Indians ceded the following tract to the United States: "Beginning at a point on Lake Michigan ten miles southward of the mouth of Chicago river; thence in a direct line to a point on the Kankakee river ten miles above its mouth; thence with said river and the Illinois river to the mouth of Fox river, being the boundary of a cession made by them in 1816; thence with the southern boundary of the Indian territory to the state line between Illinois and Indiana; thence north with said line to Lake Michigan; thence with the shore of Lake Michigan to the place of beginning." There were many reserves at Little Rock village. Twelve Mile Grove, Thorn Creek, Soldier's Village, Hickory Creek. Skunk Grove, villages of Minemaung. Mesheketeno, Waisuskucks, Shabonier. It was provided that thereafter annually there should be paid to Billy Caldwell $600. The following claims, among many, were paid by the Government: Gurdon S. Hullbard, $5,573; Antoine Le Clerc, $55; Alexander Robinson, $91; Peter Menard, Jr., $37. At this treaty the following tracts in Cook county were reserved: Section 7, Township 37 north, Range 15 east (near the mouth of Calumet river); Section 8, Township 37 north. Range 15 east (also near the mouth of Calumet river); Section 33, Township 35 north, Range 14 east (near Steger); Southwest quarter of Section 5. Township 37 north. Range 15 east (near the mouth of Calumet river); Sections 31 and 32, Township 36 north, Range 14 east (near Homewood).

The Black Hawk war of 1832 only indirectly affected Fort Dearborn and Chicago. By May 10, of that year, about seven hundred persons, among whom were 213 women and children, were congregated in Fort Dearborn for protection. The men here with guards out remained on their farms to care for the stock, etc. Colonel Owen, commander of the fort; Gholson Kercheval and Colonel Hamilton, extra quartermasters, did all they could for the comfort of the settlers. From fifteen to twenty persons were crowded often in a single room. The Sauks and Foxes sent delegates here to induce the Pottawatomies to join them in their war on the whites. They brought strong pressure to bear on Billy Caldwell, chief of the Pottawatomies, located here, and upon Alexander Robinson, another chief. Finally Colonel Owen, Colonel Hamilton and Chiefs Caldwell and Robinson held a council with them on the North side, on which occasion Blackfoot and others savagely attacked the Government for the wrongs done the Indians and declared that now was the time to get even, and the young braves present favored their views. But Colonel Owen, in a dispassionate speech, showed how such a course would react upon the Indians and completely changed the tide. The Indians retired, consulted and finally returned and gave their hands to Colonel Owen, asserting that they were friends of the United States and would furnish 100 braves to go against the Sauks and Foxes. Upon hearing this conclusion of the Pottawatomies and their allies, the Chippewas and Ottawas present in the vicinity of Chicago, the delegates of Black Hawk's band departed. If the latter had succeeded in inducing the former to join them against the whites, there might have been another massacre at Fort Dearborn. The leading men here visited threatened points within twenty or thirty miles of Chicago and assisted in protecting the people. Companies of militia escorted to Chicago the whites gathered at James Walker's, near Plainfield, and at Holderman's Grove. The troops here joined the general movement westward against the Indians. On July 8, Gen. Winfield Scott arrived here with a large force and brought with him what was as bad as the Indians — the cholera. The soldiers who died of this disease were buried on Lake street and no record was kept of the interments. About twenty years later, when excavations in Lake street were made, their bodies were discovered and removed to the City cemetery.

By the treaty of October 27, 1832, the Kaskaskia, Peoria, Michigamia, Cahokia and Tamarois Indians — all of the Illinois nation — ceded to the United States all their claims to lands in Illinois and Missouri.

By the treaty of September 26, 1833, concluded at Chicago with the Chippewa, Ottawa and Pottawatomie Indians, the claim of the United States to the following tract was reaffirmed and made permanent, viz.: "All their land along the western shore of Lake Michigan and between this lake and the land ceded to the United States by the Winnebago nation (Rock river), bounded north by Milwaukee river, and on the south by the line running due west from southern point of Lake Michigan to the Mississippi — containing in all about 5,000.000 acres." The Indians were removed west by the provisions of this treaty. Mrs. Mann, daughter of Antoine Ouilmette. other children of Ouilmette, the Laframboise children, the Beaubiens, Billy Caldwell. Billy Caldwell's children, Alexander Robinson. Joseph Laframboise. and others, received cash in lieu of reservations.

On September 26, 1833, the treaty with the Pottawatomies (about 7,000) was held on the North Side under a tent. Thomas J. V. Owen, George B. Porter and William Weatherford signed the treaty on behalf of the United States. The Indians ceded all their remaining territory in northern Illinois and Wisconsin — about 20,000,000 acres. The Indians were mostly encamped in the woods on the North Side, but a large band was under a cottonwood tree at Lake and State streets. Many speculators were present. 'There were scenes enacted which it would be no credit to humanity to narrate. Quite a large number of our present citizens were here at the time of the treaty — (Annual Review of Chicago, 1854). The Indians were fleeced by the whites of nearly all they obtained at this treaty.

"Notice: — The Chicago treaty of September 26, 1833, having been ratified only on certain conditions, and as it is not known that these conditions will be assented to on the part of the Indians: Therefore be it known, that all persons presuming to settle on the ceded tract will be immediately removed therefrom." — (J. V. Owen, Indian Agent. August, 1834.)